Showing posts with label commodities. Show all posts
Showing posts with label commodities. Show all posts

Wednesday, April 25, 2018

Rethinking the Macroeconomics of Resource Rich Countries

VoxEU has a new e-book out on the way forward for commodity producing economies (excerpt):

Rethinking the macroeconomics of resource-rich countries: A new eBook
Rabah Arezki, Raouf Boucekkine, Jeffrey Frankel, Mohammed Laksaci, Rick van der Ploeg 24 April 2018

After years of high commodity prices, a new era of lower ones, especially for oil, seems likely to persist. This will be challenging for resource-rich countries, which must cope with the decline in income that accompanies the lower prices and the potential widening of internal and external imbalances. This column presents a new VOXEU eBook in which leading economists from academia and the public and private sector examine the shifting landscape in commodity markets and look at the exchange rate, monetary, and fiscal options policymakers have, as well as the role of finance, including sovereign wealth funds, and diversification.

It’s a compilation of papers from a 2016 conference, and to be honest, doesn’t really present anything ground-shakingly new on the subject. However, it does provide a convenient entree for those not familiar with the conduct of macro-policy in commodity producing countries (i.e. most Malaysians).

The article itself provides a short precis of the e-book, which you can download here.

Thursday, December 3, 2015

The Natural Resource Curse is Alive and Well

From the latest round of IMF working papers (abstract):

Natural Resource Booms in the Modern Era : Is the curse still alive?
Andrew M. Warner

The global boom in hydrocarbon, metal and mineral prices since the year 2000 created huge economic rents - rents which, once invested, were widely expected to promote productivity growth in other parts of the booming economies, creating a lasting legacy of the boom years. This paper asks whether this has happened. To properly address this question the empirical strategy must look behind the veil of the booming sector because that, by definition, will boom in a boom. So the paper considers new data on GDP per person outside of the resource sector. Despite having vast sums to invest, GDP growth per-capita outside of the booming sectors appears on average to have been no faster during the boom years than before. The paper finds no country in which (non-resource) growth per-person has been statistically significantly higher during the boom years. In some Gulf states, oil rents have financed a migration-facilitated economic expansion with small or negative productivity gains. Overall, there is little evidence the booms have left behind the anticipated productivity transformation in the domestic economies. It appears that current policies are, overall, prooving [sic} insufficient to spur lasting development outside resource intensive sectors.

Thursday, June 4, 2015

Commodity Prices and the Exchange Rate Again

My friend Lars Christensen has a good post (video here) on oil prices and Middle East currency regimes (excerpt):

Talking to my phone: The Gulf States should peg their FX rates to oil prices

Oops I did it again – this time I talk to my phone about monetary policy in the Gulf States and my suggestion that these countries should peg their currencies to the oil price or a basket of the oil price and the US dollar. This is of course what I have suggested should be termed the Export Price Norm (EPN).

I’m posting this due to a conversation I had yesterday, trying to explain optimal exchange rate policy in the face of a terms of trade shock.

Lars has an older post on the Ringgit as well (here), along with thoughts on monetary policy, price controls and inflation.

Wednesday, April 29, 2015

Mean Reversion in Commodity Markets

In VoxEU this week (excerpt):

Commodity prices: Over a hundred years of booms and busts
Andrew Powell 28 April 2015

Commodity prices are very persistent. A boom is always followed by a bust, and after a slump, a boom comes along. This column reviews some basic aspects of commodity theory and their role in the last boom. Finally, it presents arguments stating that lower commodity prices are here to stay for a while. We may have to wait many years for the next boom to come along.

Commodity prices are very persistent. During booms we seem to forget that they have always (yes, always) been followed by busts (see Figure 1). And during a slump we forget that a boom is surely going to come along— we just have to wait long enough. What determines such booms and busts? Was the last boom exceptional? Where are prices today relative to long-run trends? And the big question – where are prices likely to go from here?

Great article on the history of commodity prices from the 1900s to the present. If Mr Powell is correct, we're in for a loooooong wait. And this is even without accounting for the relative prices of commodities against manufactured goods.

Wednesday, January 28, 2015

The Latest, But Not The Last, Domino To Fall

In a surprise move, MAS has just eased their policy target (excerpt; emphasis added):

MAS Monetary Policy Statement

1. Since the last Monetary Policy Statement in October, developments in the global and domestic inflation environment have led to a significant shift in Singapore’s CPI inflation outlook for 2015. As part of its ongoing economic surveillance, MAS has assessed that it is appropriate to adjust the prevailing monetary policy stance.

2. In October 2014, MAS maintained a modest and gradual appreciation path of the S$NEER (Singapore dollar nominal effective exchange rate) policy band, with no change to its slope, width, and the level at which it was centred. This policy stance, which has been in place since April 2012, was assessed to be appropriate for containing domestic and imported sources of inflation and for anchoring inflation expectations.

Wednesday, December 17, 2014

Commodities and Currencies

There’s quite a bit of gloom in the air these last few weeks. The plunge in oil and other commodity prices, capital pulling out of emerging markets, and currency turmoil, have people getting very worried about growth prospects next year. There doesn’t appear to be a bottom yet on oil prices, and it’s anybody’s guess where all this will end up.

In Malaysia’s case, oil price depreciation and Ringgit depreciation seems like one piling on the other – the latter is making things worse (Malaysians feel relatively poorer), on top of the drop in oil and gas revenues. But conflating the two like this is wrong. The depreciation of the currency is in fact a required and necessary result of the drop in oil prices.

Friday, April 25, 2014

Natural Resources and the Terms of Trade

I stumbled on this while looking for something else – the Singer-Prebisch thesis. What Singer and Prebisch found (separately and concurrently) is that the terms of trade between primary commodities and manufactures was declining over time. If true, this empirical observation has profound implications for economic development.

Let me explain that in English.

The terms of trade, put simply, is the amount of imports you can “buy” with one unit of exports. In other words, it measures the purchasing power of exports.

If your terms of trade are declining over time, you have to keep producing more and more just to be able to afford the same quantity and value of imports. But commodity production is subject to inelastic supply – it’s extremely difficult to continually ramp up production.

Wednesday, September 4, 2013

The Paradox Of Plenty

There’s this somewhat understandable idea that because Malaysia is rich in natural resources, we are…well, rich. Or at least we should be, if the government had handled things properly.

If only we could harness our reserves of oil and gas and minerals effectively and efficiently…

If only we had invested in and boosted the productivity of our agricultural sector…

If only we managed our forests and bio-diversity for sustainable development…

If only natural resource extraction wasn’t subject to leakages and corruption…

If only, if only…

But there’s a slight problem with this mindset – the empirical evidence suggests that natural resources alone do not beget wealth or prosperity, that focusing on developing such assets actually undermines the foundation of long term growth and prosperity. In fact, in development circles, it’s more common to speak of natural resources as a “curse”, not a blessing.

Friday, June 21, 2013

The Biggest Risk To The World Economy

No, it’s not European debt; rather it’s Chinese deflation (excerpt):

Chinese monetary policy failure

“Fed tapering” seems to be repeated in every single story in the financial media over the last couple of days. However, I am afraid that the financial media – as often is the case – is overly US centric. We might want to look at another central bank than the Fed. We should instead pay some (a lot!) of attention to the People’s Bank of China (PBoC)...

...It seems to me that the PBoC is just continuing the excessive tightening and that seems to be the real culprit behind the stream of bad economic data we have got out of China recently. It looks like Chinese monetary policy failure.

So yes, Bernanke might have a communication problem, but at the moment it seems like the biggest monetary policy failure is Chinese rather than American.

The article Lars quotes shows some pretty worrying developments in the Chinese interbank market – rates have spiked, indicating a liquidity crunch that the PBoC is not accommodating.

To corroborate this info, watch gold…I’ve always felt the runup in gold prices this past decade was more a story of Chinese (and Indian) monetary policy than the Fed’s. As of yesterday, spot gold is at its lowest level since January 2011 – today’s price has fallen to levels not seen since September 2010, before recovering a bit.

That aside, this is not good news for anybody, especially commodity exporting nations such as Malaysia. I’m afraid weakness in the Ringgit is going to be much more persistent that I expected, and growth harder to come by.

Thursday, May 2, 2013

GDP Deflator Inflation ≠ Consumer Inflation

I keep hearing some people talking about the GDP deflator as if its a measure of consumer inflation. That it’s a measure of inflation is indisputable – that it measures domestic consumer inflation is not.

In that respect, the consumer price index – which directly measures price changes of consumption goods and services – is a much better measure.

Friday, March 8, 2013

BNM Watch: No Change…Again

The language has shifted a little, and a bit more cautiously optimistic on the external front:

Monetary Policy Statement

At the Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) meeting today, Bank Negara Malaysia decided to maintain the Overnight Policy Rate (OPR) at 3.00 percent.

The global economy continues to be confronted with some uncertainties. While there have been improvements in the advanced economies, risks to sustained recovery remain…

Friday, June 1, 2012

China’s Impact On Malaysia

I’ll be going on leave for a short break during these school holidays, so there won’t be any further posts until the middle of next week. In the meantime, I’m making a note on a briefing held yesterday by the World Bank on China’s long term prospects and the consequences for Malaysia.

Since it was a closed door session and the their report on China was the subject of some controversy, we’re not supposed to talk about the China portion of the presentation. Suffice to say that the report and its recommendations are freely available through the World Bank’s website (link here). My only comment on this is to repeat what we were told – in detail, the report broadly mirrors the proposals of our own New Economic Model.

Monday, February 14, 2011

The Future is Hot

I tend to avoid making market calls (its a no-win game), but I did make an off-hand prediction about the pepper market two years ago:

World production shortfall pushes prices of pepper to new heights

KUCHING: Malaysian pepper prices, which soared by nearly 30% last year, are expected to remain firm in 2011 and 2012 due to projected decline in world production.

Malaysian Pepper Board director-general Grunsin Ayom said that based on International Pepper Community's (IPC) forecast, world production would dip by about 2% to 309,952 tonnes this year compared to an estimated 316,380 tonnes (251,980 tonnes for black and 64,400 tonnes for white) harvested by more than a dozen producing countries in 2010.

Wednesday, October 6, 2010

ETF’s, Index Tracking Investment, And Irrational Markets

One of the seminal contributions to the macroeconomic literature of the last fifty years was the Lucas Critique, which in short states that changes in policy affects individual behaviour, which in turn means that you can’t reasonably expect that policies implemented would have the intended effects based on historical macro relationships. More generally, everything affects everything else, and you can’t take things in isolation.

While this is part and parcel of the now controversial doctrine of rational expectations (for which Robert Lucas won the Nobel Prize in 1995), the fundamental point that Lucas was driving at is still valid – you can’t assume that interrelationships will always stay the same, if you change something within a system. The mania over structured finance products that helped drive this past global financial crisis is a case in point, but it applies to virtually any financial product or government policy.

Which brings me to this article in The Star today:

What are ETFs and why is it beneficial to buy them?
Personal Investing - By Ooi Kok Hwa

LATELY, the number of ETFs that get listed on Bursa Malaysia has been increasing.

At present, we have a total of five ETFs listed in Malaysia. Unfortunately, we have noticed that not many investors are aware of these instruments and there is also a lack of understanding on the true value of these ETFs.

Monday, May 24, 2010

April 2010 CPI: Tightening The Screws

April’s consumer price report shows the overall price level has been flat for the fourth month running, while the core price level (ex-food, ex-transport) is barely budging (log annual and monthly changes; 2000=100):

01_inflation

On the surface, that’s not a particularly good sign – if in fact the economy was growing, you would expect prices to be rising as the economy returns closer to full capacity. There’s a couple of reasons why there hasn’t been much movement, and the big one is the appreciation of the MYR (trade-weighted nominal index; 2000=100):

02_fx 

The MYR is up 7.1% in log terms for the year measured by the trade-weighted index, and is up against the currencies of every one of Malaysia’s major trade partners (my definition: >1% share in exports or imports). The big shifts are against the Euro (19.8%) and the GBP (15.1%), but we’re also up against Japan (8.3%), Australia (7.7%) and China (5.4%). Against our regional peers, the MYR hasn’t moved as much, which explains why food prices especially have held steady, as opposed to actually falling.

The other rather (marginally) less important reason is that there actually isn’t much momentum in terms of domestic demand in the economy, notwithstanding the 10.1% GDP growth in 1Q 2010. What we’re seeing over the last few months has really been a trade-driven recovery predicated on a commodity price upswing, which obviously isn’t having much impact on taking up the slack left by the recession much less the existing spare factory capacity which we already had pre-crisis. That in turn means that there’s very little pricing power that can be leveraged to improve business margins, hence the subdued inflation outlook this year.

The problem for the Malaysian consumer going forward is that I think the MYR uptrend has run its course for now – the MYR has risen nearly 8% in log terms in the space of 9 months, which is pretty abnormal even for a highly volatile international forex market. If BNM’s normalisation of interest rates continues pulling in portfolio capital, then I’d start to consider MYR to be overvalued again, much like it was at the end of 2007. The long term structural story for MYR is still intact, but I’m looking for a breather so that the fundamentals can catch up with market prices.

On that basis I’m still looking for higher inflation in the second half and a consolidating exchange rate, but we’re likely to average under 2% CPI growth for the year.

On a side note, subdued inflation and a stronger Ringgit both mean that BNM’s tightening shift is being magnified i.e. monetary policy is tightening faster than implied by the two 25bp hikes already made. My view remains that BNM should’ve let held fast at the last MPC meeting, with the next hike in July. If they do hike one more time in July, I think that will be it for the year.

Monday, February 22, 2010

Want An Independent Assessment Of The Malaysian Economy? Try The IMF

I stumbled across the IMF’s latest country report on Malaysia the other day while culling my email. Article IV consultations are conducted with all IMF member states on a regular basis – read this article on the background of IMF surveillance. A summary of the report is available here, if you don’t want to wade through the entire 60-page report.

Interesting reading even if its a bit dated, particularly in the differences in assessing policy between IMF and Malaysian authorities (Treasury and BNM). I’d particular point out pages 15-23, which covers future policy paths (liberalisation, private investment, reducing oil revenue dependency, abolishing subsidies, and fiscal consolidation), and a very interesting box article on page 21 which assesses BNM’s exchange rate intervention post-2005 (summary: it was two-sided, and not intended to force a particular exchange rate level).

Also of interest is a projection of the public sector debt path from pages 3-5 of the Informational Annexe (72% of GDP by 2014).

Not surprisingly, the biggest area of disagreement is on the level of the exchange rate. With the IMF’s three-prong statistical methodology, the Ringgit is considered undervalued though not extremely so, but the policy approach was “broadly appropriate”. Malaysia’s rebuttal is on pages 35-36, which is echoed by the IMF executive director for Malaysia’s statement at the end of the document (pgs 6-7). Here’s an interesting, and highly pertinent, quote from the latter:

“Secondly, while the current account surplus is sizeable, Malaysia is a commodity producer.  Over two-thirds of the current account surplus can be attributed to commodities including oil.  It is fundamentally inappropriate to apply the 3-model CGER estimations when an economy is a significant producer of non-renewable resources.  A Fund working paper by Thomas, Kim and Aslam (2008) estimated that by applying an alternative methodology for assessing the external balance in countries with large stocks of non-renewable resources, the non-oil current account position for Malaysia was in fact in equilibrium, as oil resources can be expected to be depleted in the future.  Our authorities would also welcome accelerated work on the commodity-based CGER approaches that we understand is being undertaken at the Fund. “

Technical Notes:

“Malaysia: 2009 Article IV Consultation - Staff Report; Public Information Notice on the Executive Board Discussion; and Statement by the Executive Director for Malaysia”, International Monetary Fund, August 2009

Friday, October 16, 2009

Why The IMF Thinks MYR Is Undervalued

In keeping with the forex theme this week, in my last post I pointed out that Singapore is accumulating international reserves at a faster pace than Malaysia, but yet is considered to have a "strong" currency. Later I linked to research that suggested that SGD was as undervalued as the MYR, while the IMF suggested SGD was only slightly undervalued. Why the divergence in opinion?

There is of course the difference in methodologies used to determine currency misalignments (which I talked about here, here and here). But what I'd like to point out today are two potential issues that may be affecting MYR currency misalignment analysis.

The first issue lies with differences in calculating the real effective exchange rate index (REER) itself which may be to blame. To illustrate, here are my calculated nominal and real indexes, compared with the published IMF calculated indexes:





Notice that the nominal indexes are more or less equivalent, with any differences attributable to the currencies included in the basket as well as changes in the weighting scheme. I calculate my indexes with weights changing on a quarterly basis, while the IMF changes once every five-ten years or so - but doesn't appear to make a significant difference here.

There is however a substantial divergence in the REER indexes, with the IMF REER much higher in 2008 - and thus indicating that the nominal rate is too low, and the exchange rate is undervalued. The main difference between the real and nominal indexes is the application of price deflators in the real index, which are used to adjust currency values based on inflation. For the IMF index, CPI inflation is generally used for most countries except for OECD members, where unit labour costs are substituted.

Since CPI inflation can more readily go negative than unit labour costs (as we've seen this past year), that puts an upward bias into the IMF's REER index in periods of disinflation or deflation, especially with OECD countries taking more than a third of the total weight in the MYR index.

Another issue is one of export structure. Most analysis, including the one I linked to in the last post, use aggregate exports when running regressions (heck, so do I). The problem here is that when there is a commodity bubble, prices might go up without output necessarily increasing to the same degree. For example, palm oil and rubber (log annual changes, export volumes and values):




If the increase represents a transitory change, then the degree of currency adjustment required to rebalance the current account will be inflated - hence current account approaches to exchange rate determination, such as used in the aforementioned paper and in two of the three methodologies used by the IMF, would tend to overstate the equilibrium level of the exchange rate.

As an aside, I made the point in my last post that positive terms of trade shocks would see the income effect dominate, and would not reduce volumes very much. The behaviour of agricultural commodity exports over the past few years is certainly suggestive that my conjecture is worth considering.

Thursday, March 19, 2009

Why I Don’t Like Gold As The Monetary Base

After yesterday’s verbal diarrhea, this post will hopefully be shorter and easier to digest. I argued yesterday that using gold as the basis for money is inappropriate, as the slow rate of increase means money will always have a deflationary impact on real output, and the conflation of gold-as-money=wealth results in mercantilism with all its evils. The second contention is largely ideological, and can be disputed. The first contention is more amenable to examination, along with its implications such as the function of gold as a store of value.

The following is based on the estimate of a stock of 145,000 tonnes of gold as of 2001 (source: World Gold Council), global gold production data from the US Geological Survey, and real GDP growth data from the IMF World Economic Outlook Oct 2008:



So much for that - I think its pretty clear that over the last half century, gold supplies could not have kept up with global growth. This implies that this growth would not have happened under a gold standard or a continuation of Bretton Woods, as deflation and recession would have been required to equalize growth with the real money supply. Incidentally, here’s the corresponding comparison for silver:



As further proof, I converted a number of commodity series* from USD value to gold value (specifically, per troy ounce). I expected to find relatively flat and declining price trends over time. What I found instead was absolutely fascinating, and requires some explanation. Here, I’m showing the price of Beef in troy ounces:



The rest of the charts are broadly similar, with the exception of pepper, which was highly cyclical against gold (incidentally, pepper looks like a 5 year bull market waiting to happen). What struck me immediately were three things:

1. The relatively low volatility from the 1980s onwards;
2. The sharp decline in price in the 1970s, which I more or less expected;
3. The relatively high volatility both in and prior to the 1970s.

My take on this is that because of the expansion of the USD money supply in the mid to late 1960s due to Vietnam and Lyndon Johnson’s domestic policies, the USD became increasingly overvalued relative to its convertible price to gold – i.e. real activity in excess of the monetary base. When Nixon took the USD off gold convertibility, the next decade saw a combination of inflation and stagnation, which may have been an adjustment process of real goods and services with the nominal money supply. Equivalently, the USD had to fall to its ‘true’ value against gold. Thereafter in the 1980s, market forces (and Paul Volcker) took over and gold became just another commodity.

The 1960s however, is harder to explain, with volatility an order of magnitude higher than the 1980s. It is somewhat ironic to me that Bretton Woods (which was essentially a gold standard but without the necessity of holding gold reserves) provided nominal price stability, but real price instability, and the floating rate period the exact opposite. While this is insufficient empirical evidence against using gold as the monetary base, it tends to confirm my doubts about the stability of such a system.

Sources:
Gold Stocks - World Gold Council
Silver stocks - http://www.gold-eagle.com/editorials_99/mbutler110799.html
Gold and silver production data - US Geological Survey
Commodity price statistics - Unctad Handbook of Statistics

*Beef, Cocoa, Coffee, Cotton, Palm Oil, Pepper, Rice, Rubber, Tin, Wheat