Showing posts with label sterilization. Show all posts
Showing posts with label sterilization. Show all posts

Thursday, August 3, 2017

Reserves and Reserve Cover

This is really tiresome (excerpt):

Malaysia's Bond Recovery Is Under Threat

Malaysia’s bonds are coming back in favor but the respite may be brief. The level of the nation’s foreign reserves is coming under scrutiny as investors brace for outflows from emerging markets.

The lowest reserve adequacy in Asia is sapping demand for the securities just as they are recovering from the longest selloff by foreign investors in eight years. Relatively high foreign ownership and an acceleration in inflation from last year are adding to risks as major central banks sound increasingly hawkish on interest rates….

…Malaysia’s reserves are sufficient to finance 6.5 months of imports, according to data compiled by Commerzbank AG using a 12-month moving average. That compares with 9.9 months for Indonesia, 10.8 for Thailand, 11.2 months for the Philippines, and 21.6 for China.

Bank Negara Malaysia’s reserves amount to just 1.1 times the amount of short-term debt on issue, Commerzbank estimates. The corresponding ratio is 2.8 for Indonesia, 3.7 for the Philippines and 4.3 for India….

Wednesday, July 6, 2011

BNM Watch: May Was A Strange Month

As I said yesterday, the data for May isn’t behaving nicely. Here’s a closer look at what’s going on.

Recall that BNM began its latest round of tightening in early May. Yet there was little sign that open market operations were required to reduce liquidity in the interbank market and raise the overnight rate to the OPR target (RM millions):

01_bills

Monday, May 9, 2011

1Q 2011 Forex Review: BNM Is In The Market

After months of relative quiescence, BNM has returned to the forex market with a vengeance. Something about approaching the RM3.00 to the USD level must have triggered alarm bells, because the scale of intervention is almost without precedent (change in international reserves; adjusted for forex valuation):

01_adj_res

Friday, February 19, 2010

Death of the Washington Consensus?

The IMF last week issued a staff position report (warning: pdf link) that represents something of a mea culpa and a retreat from the Washington Consensus. Taken from the conclusion:

“The crisis was not triggered primarily by macroeconomic policy. But it has exposed flaws in the precrisis policy framework, forced policymakers to explore new policies during the crisis, and forces us to think about the architecture of postcrisis macroeconomic policy.

In many ways, the general policy framework should remain the same. The ultimate goals should be to achieve a stable output gap and stable inflation. But the crisis has made clear that policymakers have to watch many targets, including the composition of output, the behavior of asset prices, and the leverage of different agents. It has also made clear that they have potentially many more instruments at their disposal than they used before the crisis. The challenge is to learn how to use these instruments in the best way. The combination of traditional monetary policy and regulation tools, and the design of better automatic stabilizers for fiscal policy, are two promising routes. These need to be explored further.

Finally, the crisis has also reinforced lessons that we were always aware of, but with greater experience now internalize more strongly. Low public debt in good times creates room to act forcefully when needed. Good plumbing, in terms of prudential regulation, and transparent data in the monetary, financial, and fiscal areas are critical to our economic system functioning well. Capitalizing on the experience of the crisis, our job will be not only to come up with creative policy innovations, but also to help make the case with the public at large for the difficult but necessary adjustment and reforms that stem from those lessons.”

Nothing controversial about any of the above, but the devil is in the details. There are some pretty conventional prescriptions that the paper advocates – providing banking system liquidity as needed, fiscal prudence during good times, and strengthening automatic stabilisers aka transfers (tax-rebates, handouts) to the poor; but how about these bombshells:

  1.  Should the Inflation Target Be Raised? - “Should policymakers therefore aim for a higher target inflation rate in normal times, in order to increase the room for monetary policy to react to such shocks? To be concrete, are the net costs of inflation much higher at, say, 4 percent than at 2 percent, the current target range? Is it more difficult to anchor expectations at 4 percent than at 2 percent?”
  2. Combining Monetary and Regulatory Policy - “If leverage appears excessive, regulatory capital ratios can be increased; if liquidity appears too low, regulatory liquidity ratios can be introduced and, if needed, increased; to dampen housing prices, loan-to-value ratios can be decreased; to limit stock price increases, margin requirements can be increased.”
  3. Inflation Targeting and Foreign Exchange Intervention - “Central banks in small open economies should openly recognize that exchange rate stability is part of their objective function. This does not imply that inflation targeting should be abandoned. Indeed, at least in the short term, imperfect capital mobility endows central banks with a second instrument in the form of reserve accumulation and sterilized intervention. This tool can help control the external target while domestic objectives are left to the policy rate.”

Gosh.

In case you’re not clear about what they’re talking about, in plain English the IMF are calling for:

  1. A higher average inflation rate target and by extension, a higher than average policy interest rate as well. The basic goal of central banks worldwide in the last thirty or so years has been price stability, which in real-world terms (taking into account structural issues and a buffer for real money supply growth) has translated into an average inflation goal of around 2%. Higher inflation would have distortive effects on business and personal decisions, such as on investment and savings.
  2. Capital controls and market intervention. Can I say, we told you so?
  3. Exchange rate intervention. Can I say…oh, I said that already.

In short, this is a retreat from the free market fundamentalism that has characterised IMF and World Bank policy approaches for decades. What a comedown. There’s also the unspoken acknowledgement here that every country is different, and that the one-size-fits-all approach (or in business-school-speak – using “best practices”) to remedial policies is suboptimal, er, won’t work.

I’m not knocking the basic conclusion that free markets are the best method of organising economic activity. But I do think we have to be pragmatic and recognise that real-world markets everywhere are distorted by asymmetric information and differing levels of pricing power between buyers and sellers. It should also be recognised that while the price discovery process through the interaction of supply and demand is the best way to obtain a Pareto-optimal allocation, nothing says that any given equilibrium point is “first-best”.

Technical notes:

  1. “Rethinking Macroeconomic Policy”, Blancard, O. and Giovanni Dell’Ariccia and Paolo Mauro, IMF Staff Position Note, SPN/10/03, International Monetary Fund
  2. INTERVIEW WITH OLIVIER BLANCHARD, “IMF Explores Contours of Future Macroeconomic Policy”, IMF Survey Magazine

Thursday, June 25, 2009

Exchange Rate Targeting: "Weak" and "Strong" are not equal

Etheorist has issued a follow-up of his thoughts in his original post outlining his support for a stronger Ringgit level. My critique of his ideas are contained in this post, where my position is essentially that a stronger MYR level is fine provided it is consistent with changes in the economy, but not otherwise.

I find myself having problems with his new post as well. My main contentions are two-fold: first with reference to the central bank "engineering" an appreciation of the exchange rate, which has monetary implications, and second the likely impact on the economy of an artificial appreciation of the exchange rate from the Balassa-Samuelson based model I described before, which has real economy implications. I also have some different interpretations of economic developments of the past decade, but since this post is going to be long and a bit technical, I will deal with those in a following post.

First, to deal with the problem of engineering a non-secular appreciation of the exchange rate. To understand the issues here, one must first have an understanding of how a central bank influences the exchange rate above or below the market determined rate. Let's first examine the case of weakening the currency, since everyone appears to believe the stylized fact that the MYR is below its long term equilibrium level.

To achieve a lower exchange rate requires the central bank to sell domestic currency for foreign currency. On the central bank's balance sheet, this appears as an increase in international reserves (+assets), in exchange for depositing money in the banking system's accounts with the central bank (+liabilities). This results in an expansion of the money supply, which if unsterilised could trigger an undesired credit expansion and demand-fed inflation, exacerbated by the lower short term nominal interest rates from the monetary injection.

Sterilisation refers to central bank open market operations designed to keep interest rates and money supply stable in conjunction with central bank forex transactions. It’s similar to normal liquidity management operations in the sense that the mechanism is the same.

Since in this example a monetary injection was the result of the forex transaction, the central bank must drain liquidity from the interbank market. This is done by selling the central bank's holdings of securities to the banking system, enough to fully or partially offset the monetary injection. Since the central bank in our example is interested in weakening the exchange rate of the domestic currency, unsterilised intervention is also an option at the risk of higher inflation, but also with the potential benefit of higher economic growth.

Thus the practical limits of weakening the exchange rate are: what constitutes an acceptable level of higher inflation; or if sterilisation is resorted to, the borrowing capacity of the central bank. At least that's the case if you don't want to create another Zimbabwe – the central bank’s credibility in keeping the soundness of the domestic currency is at stake.

Strengthening a currency’s exchange rate over its market-determined rate operates in the opposite fashion: the central bank buys domestic currency in return for foreign exchange. This appears as a drop in international reserves on the asset side of the central bank’s balance sheet, and as a drop in the banking system’s cash balances with the central bank. This is also ipso facto a contraction in the money supply, and pushes up short term interest rates.

An engineered appreciation of the exchange rate is thus inherently deflationary, both in terms of the domestic money supply as well as in terms of import prices. If this is undesirable, for instance when inflation and growth are already too low or negative, the central bank can again resort to full or partial sterilization via a purchase of securities from the banking system, thereby injecting funds into the banking system.

From the above it’s easy to see the limits of artificially boosting the exchange rate level beyond the market clearing level: it is limited by the amount of international reserves at the central bank, as well as the supply of available securities in the banking system. This further implies that a strengthening operation is unlikely to succeed for long without a fairly deep supply of public debt.

In both weakening and strengthening operations, if the degree of misalignment in the target exchange rate is far enough away from the fundamental equilibrium rate, the central bank must continually intervene to maintain its target parity which puts it up against the limits of intervention that much faster. Note also that increasing or decreasing the amount of foreign currency in the system does not have any impact on the banking system’s capacity to lend, since loans can only be made to residents in domestic currency.

A second implication is that by virtue of targeting the exchange rate, volatility of either or both money supply and interest rates will become an order of magnitude greater, because the central bank cannot target all three. This is actually easy to see from the pre- and post-2005 Malaysian experience, where interest rates were higher and spreads far wider pre-2005.

A third implication is that artificially weakening the exchange rate is far easier than strengthening it, because of the nature of the limits imposed by the mechanisms employed. In extremis, a central bank can print money to fund forex purchases, which is not an option the other way around – the level of international reserves is a hard limit.

Are there ways around these limits though? For strengthening the exchange rate, yes there is – you can partially or fully close the capital account. But since this entails a general withdrawal from global financial integration, it also means closing access to foreign investment (particularly portfolio) as well as turning our backs on development. I’ll return to the topic of intervention and sterilisation in a future blog post.

A second less painful way around this is to simultaneously engineer an increase in the equilibrium rate. That ensures that misalignments between the equilibrium rate and the nominal rate aren’t too far apart. What are the elements that need to be pushed to achieve this objective? This leads me back to the Balassa-Samuelson Hypothesis model I described before.

To summarise, an economy can be divided into two producing sectors – tradables and non-tradables. Domestic prices (adjusted for the exchange rate) in the tradable sector are everywhere equalized internationally, since demand and supply are determined on a global basis. Domestic prices in the non-tradable sector however are determined purely by local conditions. Labour and capital are the production inputs, where the former is immobile but the latter fully mobile across international borders.

The effect on exchange rates can be described as follows: say for instance that there is an exogenous expansion in the non-tradable sector. This bids up wages across the whole economy, which reduces the relative productivity in the tradable sector. There is thus upward pressure on prices in the tradable sector. However, since prices in the tradable sector are set internationally, the end result is ceterus paribus an appreciation in the real exchange rate of the domestic currency to equate the international prices of tradables. Note that this effect arises from structural changes in the domestic economy rather than changes in international relative prices.

Now that we have that in mind, what’s the impact of an artificially raised exchange rate without these structural changes? An appreciation in the exchange rate creates an identical reduction in relative productivity for the tradable sector as in my example above. However, since there has been no corresponding increase in total domestic demand within the economy, the result is a reduction in the total demand for labour thus putting downward pressure on wages and prices in the tradable sector. This in turn will tend to depreciate the exchange rate. The net result is a tendency to revert to the equilibrium exchange rate, but with higher unemployment.

The opposite is true of an artificially weakened exchange rate. You get an increase in relative productivity of the tradable sector, which has the effect of putting upward pressure on prices and wages in the tradable sector since total demand is also higher. This will have the effect of putting upward pressure on the exchange rate, with the net result a return towards the equilibrium rate but with higher employment.

In short, exchange rate appreciation above the equilibrium level, as a policy tool, won’t result in a rise in incomes but rather the reverse. If I can resort to that hoary old chestnut phrase, “correlation does not imply causality”. In this case, one must distinguish between productivity in the non-tradable sector which is not subject to international competition, and productivity in the tradable sector which is subject to international price pressures. An increase in the former results in a depreciating exchange rate, while for the latter the opposite is true.

More to come!